• Ella Janatovsky "The Crystallization of National Identity in Times of War: The Experience of a Soviet Jewish Soldier"
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    Working Paper 125/2013

           

    The Crystallization of National Identity in Times of War: 

    The Experience of a Soviet Jewish Soldier

     E l l a    J a n a t o v s k y





    © European Forum at the Hebrew University, Jerusalem

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    European Forum at the Hebrew University, Jerusalem 91905, Israel 
    http://www.ef.huji.ac.il    ef@savion.huji.ac.il

           






     

    Contents
                    
                             

    Introduction  3
    “True Soviet Men”  5
    Jewish Identity  8
    Diaries 13
    The Diary 15
    Summary     22
    Bibliography 24







    Introduction1

     

    Vladimir Natanovich Gelfand was born on March 1, 1923, in Novoarkhangelsk, a 

    village in the eastern part of Ukraine. Both of his parents were Jewish. His mother,

    Nadezhda Vladimirovna Gorodinskya, was a veteran of the civil war and a party

    member; his father, Natan Solomonovich Gelfand, was an appreciated worker, udarnik,

    in the metallurgy factory of Dniprodzerzhynsk, Ukraine. Before joining the army

    Gelfand had finished his education at the Workers Faculty, rabfak, of Dnipropetrovsk,

    where he was active on the school newspaper, engaged in various political activities,

    and joined the Komsomol. When World War II broke out, he was involved in the project

    of collecting crops for the war effort, subsequently becoming the best worker in his

    unit. He was nineteen years old when he joined the fighting Red Army on May 6, 1942.

    Gelfand’s diary will be central to this paper. Through it I will examine the

    assumption that a reemergence of Jewish identity occurred as a result of the Soviet

    advance westward and the encounter of Jewish Red Army soldiers with the Holocaust.

    Modern studies have addressed the subject of national identity among Soviet Jews in a

    wide range of contexts, including official Soviet policy and popular culture. Similarly,

    scholars have also looked at the daily lives of Soviet soldiers, their experiences and

    reactions to the horrors of war. However, the correlation between national identity

    formation and daily experiences is virtually absent from the historical research. Not a

    single monograph has been written on the topic of the Jewishness of the Soviet Jews in

    the Red Army, or dealt with its dynamics and transformation in the context of their

    encounter with the Holocaust. My paper attempts to bridge the gap.

    The first section will address the meaning of being Soviet, that is, the conceptions

    that Soviet subjects lived by. The second section will deal with the meaning of being

    Jewish, particularly the governmental policies applied to the Jewish population before

    the war and the effect they had on Jewish affiliation. It is important to note that this

    paper will only focus on the Ashkenazi Jewish population, which formerly was

    concentrated in the Pale of Settlement. Additionally, Gelfand represents the generation of 1917, 

    those often referred to as “true Soviet men.” The third section will explore the

    dynamics of Soviet Jewish identity in its World War II historical context.


    1 I would like to thank the European Forum at the Hebrew University and the Mayrock Center for Russian, Euro-Asian 
    and East-European Research for the generous grant which allowed me to conduct my research. I am grateful to Dr. 
    Michael Beizer for his guidance and comments. A debt of gratitude is also owed to my supervisor Prof. Yfaat Weiss.









    True Soviet Men”


    “Many people told him it was impossible, but he never forgot what

    was most important—that he was a Soviet man! A real man! And you

    must never forget this, never, wherever you are!” Victor Pelevin, Omon Ra

     

    Soviet subjectivity has been the focus of many recent studies in the field of Soviet

    history, which formerly devoted its efforts to the research of policymaking and

    international politics. Therefore, when addressing the questions of motivation and the

    reemergence of Jewish identity in times of war, a topic that belongs to the more private

    sphere, interpretations must be based on these recent findings. What was the meaning

    of being Soviet? Which ideologies and assumptions guided the young soldier, Gelfand,

    as he advanced westward with his unit? In this section I will deal with these questions

    in the context of recent Soviet subjectivity studies.

    Keith Michael Baker, in an article on the presumed Foucauldian account of the

    French Revolution, maintains that politicization of the subject and the moralization of

    politics accompany the revolutionary dynamics and its power discourse. During the

    revolutionary period, those who hold power learn to view each individual as a political

    subject, every action as ideological and a realization of political will.2 In other words,

    everything from established politics to the individual’s private thoughts is

    contextualized in political terms. Consequently, the moralization of the subject follows

    his politicization. All that is politically valid is regarded as moral; all that is not

    politically expedient is considered crooked and immoral.3 In this respect, the past, i.e.,

    the ancien régime, was viewed as corrupt and immoral, whereas the new one was seen

    as the true regime with its true politics.4

    The abovementioned revolutionary characteristics were not only evident in

    governmental and political policies but also played a prominent role in the formation

    of the Soviet subject. Through the assimilation of these features, the Soviet individual became 

    politicized, historicized, and moralized, sometimes to the extent of using the

    same discourse as justification for acts declared illegal by the regime itself.

    Jochen Hellbeck argues that historical consciousness was one of the main

    characteristics of the Soviet subject during the 1930s. It was the perception of living in

    an influential time, an epic epoch, a revolutionary period which represented a break

    from the past and an advance toward a bright socialist future. 5 

    The will of almost every Soviet citizen to participate in constructing that future and breaking free 

    from the tsarist regime is evident in the testimonies from the time. To be a bystander, a mere eyewitness

    to the changes taking place in society, was to abandon one’s duty and purpose as a

    person.6 Instead one actively tried to write oneself into history, as is evident from the

    diary of Nikolai Ustrialov, a law professor from Moscow: “It is difficult to feel like a

    ‘superfluous person’ these days, when, it would seem, everyone finds themselves with

    so much to do. I want to be up to my neck with activity – if only not to be superfluous

    in our time, at this historic hour – when the fate of our great country, our great

    revolution, is being decided.”7 To Ustrialov, being superfluous meant being absent

    from the building of the future. He wanted to be an agent of the historical mission, a

    carrier of his time and considered it his moral duty.

    When the Soviet subject looked for ways to participate in the building of the future

    socialist society, he hoped to take part in a moralistic construction of society. It

    interesting to note the Soviet conception of morality. All of life’s issues were subjected

    to the needs of the party, and a private dialogue with one’s conscience was deplored of

    the previous Christian perceptions. Party doctrines were the pillars of faith, and the

    party’s collective judgments were the manifestation of justice.8 The Russian word for

    conscience, sovest, nearly died out after 1917 and was replaced in common usage by

    the word for awareness, soznatelnost, signifying the moral aspects of ideological

    awareness.9

    Bearing this in mind, one can draw conclusions as to the level of enlistment for

    public causes and the relation between the private and the public spheres in the 1930s 

    Soviet Union. Contrary to the liberal view that the private and public spheres are

    separate and usually opposed and competing, the Soviet subject aspired to make his

    personal life a continuity of the public one.10 “To allow a distinction between private

    life and public life,” as Nadezhda Krupskaia, Lenin’s wife, once said, “will lead sooner

    or later to betrayal of Communism.”11 Hence, the lives of Soviet citizens were

    politicized and the mundane was seen through the prism of social utility. “The young

    person should be taught to think in terms of we,” wrote Anatoly Lunacharsky, the

    commissar for education in 1918, “and all private interests should be left behind.”12 As

    for the Soviet subject, he had to seek to make his inner self correspond with his outer,

    collective self.13 Private lives became the battlefield of all that was political and moral.

    The search for inclusion and fear of expulsion were the main concerns with regard to

    Soviet wellbeing.



    2 Keith Michael Baker, “A Foucauldian French Revolution?” in Foucault and the Writing of History, ed.

    J. Goldstein (Cambridge: Basil Blackwell, 1994), pp. 188-191. 3 Ibid.

    4 Ibid.

    5 Jochen Hellbeck, Revolution on My Mind: Writing a Diary under Stalin (Cambridge: Harvard

    University Press, 2006), pp. 55-67. 

    6 Ibid.

    7 Ibid., pp. 64-65.

    8 Orlando Figes, The Whisperers: Private Life in Stalin’s Russia (New York: Picador, 2007), pp. 97-99.

    9 Ibid.

    10 Hellbeck, pp. 86-87.

    11 Figes, “Introduction.”

    12 Ibid., p. 80.

    13 Jochen Hellbeck, “Fashioning the Stalinist Soul: The Diary of Stephan Podlubnyi, 1931-1939,” in Stalinism: New Directions, ed. S. Fitzpatrick (London: Routledge, 2000), p. 95.







    Jewish Identity


    Before their rise to power, Lenin and Stalin referred to the Jews merely as a religious

    sect, lacking territory but maintaining its own jargon, Yiddish. Nevertheless, the

    affirmative national policy of the 1920s established a positive attitude toward nations

    including ex-territorial ones, such as the Jewish nation. Furthermore, when the

    Bolsheviks rose to power, they discovered strong national sentiments among the former

    Russian Empire nationalities. The Jews were no different: the Zionist movement was

    dominant in the Jewish street, to the extent that it received up to 4-4.5 times more votes

    than the Bund Party, which joined the Mensheviks for the elections in the constituent

    assembly, planned for the end of 1917.14 A mere egalitarian approach to the “Jewish

    problem” was obviously not sufficient for the Jewish street.

    Thus, the Bolsheviks realized that they would need to include the Jewish nation in

    their affirmative policy, that is, the indigenization (Korenizatsiia) of the various

    nations.15 The Act of Indigenization was promulgated after the Twelfth Congress of the

    Communist Party, held on April 17-25, 1923. Its goal was the fulfillment of nationalism

    within the Soviet, socialist boundaries. In other words, Jewish nationalism, as all other

    nationalisms, was to be nationalist in form and socialist in content.16 The approved act

    was similar to the Bundist political call for cultural autonomy.17

    Consequently, three institutions came into being – governmental, party, and public,

    which were responsible for the nationalist autonomy of the Jewish people in the early

    Communist period. The Commissariat for Jewish National Affairs (Evkom), the Jewish

    section of the Communist Party (Evsektsiya), and various Jewish public organizations

    were all established to promote Communism and fight various socialist and Zionist

    parties.18 This section will focus on the influence of the Evsektsiya on the Jewish public;

    it was the most dominant institution of the three and the center of all legal Jewish activity 

    within the Soviet Union.19 Moreover, the Evsektsiya, as opposed to the Evkom,

    was known for zealous persecution of the Zionist movement. 20

    The Evsektsiya was composed of various members of Jewish socialist parties,

    especially Bund members. Despite their initial rejection of the Bund as a reactionary

    and bourgeois element, Lenin and Stalin now turned to its members for help. The Bund

    members were acquainted with the Jewish street, unlike prominent Jewish Bolsheviks

    such as Leon Trotsky, Grigory Zinoviev, and Lev Kamenev who considered themselves

    Soviet and supported full assimilation into Russian society as a means of obtaining

    equal rights. That being the case, the members of the Evsektsiya were Jewish

    Bolsheviks, and their task was to mediate between the Communist Party and the Jewish

    public as well as to create a Jewish proletarian culture.21

    Thus, throughout its years of activity the Evsektsiya persecuted the Zionist

    movement and the Jewish religion. Zionist activists were oppressed and the movement

    was dismantled by governmental decree; the cheders (Jewish religious schools) were

    closed and the synagogues turned into clubs and warehouses. Massive propaganda

    efforts were directed against the religious holidays and the Shabbat.22 Hebrew, which

    was naturally associated with the Zionist movement and the Torah, was outlawed, and

    Yiddish was made the official language of the Jewish nation. Indeed, a network of

    Yiddish schools was established in 1918 and replaced Jewish individual educational

    institutions. 23 New proletarian Yiddish literature emerged, and it replaced Hebrew

    texts, be they new Zionist literature or the Torah. Many Yiddish newspapers and

    journals were published and circulated in the Jewish street. The first publications were

    mainly political in the strict sense of the word: translations of the socialist canon.

    However, with time an independent and creative Yiddish literature arose, along with an

    increase in Yiddish translations of Russian classics.24 The recently established Yiddish 

    theater moved from Petrograd to Moscow and quickly gained popularity, to the point

    that it was allowed to perform abroad. From 1925 the theater was recognized by the

    state as the official Jewish theater: the GOSET.25 Likewise, the Jewish public

    encountered new Jewish proletarian culture in movies, music, and paintings fostered by

    the same class rationale. 26 In the 1920s, notes Arkadi Zeltser, there was a less sharp

    dichotomy between nationalism and universality, and the subject had diverse options

    for the realization of his national feelings.27

    The 1930s saw the rise of Russian nationalism. The affirmative policy of the 1920s

    – aiming on the one hand to nurture national sentiments within the various national

    groups in the Soviet Union, and on the other to discourage chauvinist Russian

    nationalism – was abandoned. Soviet national policy consolidated: along with the

    rebirth of Russian patriotism, small national units were canceled and ex-territorial

    nations including the Jews, Germans, Poles, and Koreans were treated with ongoing

    suspicion. 28 The national category was included in passports. Hence, by the end of the

    decade the Soviet national category had biological and territorial attributes.29 

    It is a matter of dispute to what extent the expression of nationality was limited, but there is

    no doubt that Russian nationality had awakened and had taken the form of all the others.

    The change in policy affected Jewish cultural life. The Evsektsiya closed down as

    part of a larger act of shutting down all national divisions in the Communist Party; its

    leaders were killed during the Stalinist purges at the end of the decade.30 In 1932 the

    teaching of Jewish history in Yiddish schools was banned and the schoolbooks became

    very similar to the Russian ones. It was forbidden to teach any Jewish material be it in

    its Communist content. 31 The summer of 1938 saw the end of the Jewish school system.32 

    Most of the Jewish journalism was eliminated by 1939.33 The Jewish theater

    just barely continued its activity until 1949, the exception that proved the rule.

    What became, then, of Jewish affiliation and identity? Some claim that Communist

    persecution of everything traditionally Jewish along with emancipation and new social

    opportunities caused quick acculturation to Russian society and alienation from Jewish

    affiliation. There is no doubt that during the 1930s Jews, especially those who lived in

    cities, became a core element of Soviet society. They occupied major positions in

    science, medicine, law, literature, and bureaucracy. Gradually it became more and more

    difficult to maintain traditional aspects of Jewish ethnicity. 34 The prominent historian

    Benjamin Pinkus characterizes the 1920s as a period of acculturation to Russian society,

    and the 1930s as a period of assimilation where the Jewish public grew attached to

    Russian culture and language and detached from all that was Jewish. Thus, he

    concludes, the Evsektsiya’s efforts to create a new Jewish proletarian identity mostly

    failed.35

    Others disagree on the extent of assimilation to Soviet society. Anna Shternshis

    argues that the new national policy of the Communists in fact succeeded to create a new

    cultural identity based on class divisions. The children of 1917 were proud of their

    Jewishness; to them it meant Yiddish language, theater, newspapers, and schooling.

    Although they did not observe the religious tradition, they respected it.36 Arkady Zeltser

    similarly maintains that the shtetl adopted an ambiguous stance: at home the population

    preserved its Jewish life and tradition, while on the outside it upheld the Soviet norms.

    Nevertheless, Zeltser notes that the younger generation migrated to cities; the

    ambiguous stance characterized Jews who had received a religious education before the

    revolution.37

    In any case, there is no doubt that the meaning of being Jewish changed radically in

    the 1920s and changed once more during the 1930s. The children of 1917 and onward

    were for the most part Sovietized and cared little for their Jewish identity.





    מ"ו 15 ,(1986 יהודה סלוצקי, "יהדות רוסיה בשנת המהפכה 1917,“ העבר, חוב' 1968 ,

    15, עמ' 14 .32-55

    .155 'עמ 16 Terry Martin, “An Affirmative Action Empire,” in A State of Nations: Empire and Nation-making in

    the Age of Lenin and Stalin, ed. Ronald Grigor Suny and Terry Martin (New York: Cornell University

    Press, 2001), pp. 74-75. 

    17 .151-154 'עמ ,פינקוס

    18 .161-175 ,שם

    163 ,שם 20 J.B. Schechtman, “The U.S.S.R, Zionism, and Israel”, in The Jews in Soviet Russia, ed. by L. Kochan

    (Oxford paperbacks, 1978) pp. 99-124. 

    21 David Shneer, Yiddish and the Creation of Soviet Jewish Culture (Cambridge: Cambridge University

    מרדכי אלטשולר, היבסקציה בברית המועצות (1918-1930): בין לאומיות לקומוניזם, (תל אביב: המכון ליהדות זמננו, Press, 2004), pp. 11, 23-26. 

    22 .327-328 'עמ ,(1980 א"תשמ

    23 For more on the Jewish educational systems during the 1920s and 1930s, see: Аркадий Зельцер,

    Евреи северо-восточной Белоруссии между мировыми войнами, 1917-1941 / Диссертация на

    степень доктора философии Иерусалим: Еврейский университет, 2003. 

    24 .233-234 ' 

    25 עמ ,פינקוס

    מיכאל בייזר, יהודי לנינגרד 1917-1939, תורגם על ידי ברוניה בן יעקב (ירושלים: מרכז זלמן שזר לתולדות ישראל, תשס"ה 27 Зельцер, p. 410. 

    28 פינקוס, עמ' 26 .233-234 ירושלים, תשנ"ו (1996), עמ' 13-62.

    .126-127 'עמ ,(2005 

    29 Yuri Slezkin, “The Soviet Union as a Communal Apartment, or How a Socialist State Promoted Ethnic

    Particularism,” Slavic Review 53:2 (1994): 444.

    30 .166 'עמ ,פינקוס

    31  .327-328 'עמ ,אלטשולר

    32 Зельцер, p. 391. 

    33 .225 'עמ ,פינקוס 34 .123-145 'עמ ,בייזר 35 .247-248 'עמ ,פינקוס 36 Anna Shternshis, Soviet and Kosher: Jewish Popular Culture in the Soviet Union, 1923-1939

    (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2006), pp. 43, 182-185. 

    37 Arkadi Zeltser, “The Belorussian Shtetl in the 1920s and 1930s,” in Revolution, Repression, and

    Revival: The Soviet Jewish Experience, ed. Z. Gitelman and Y. Ro’i (Maryland: Rowman & Littelfield,

    2007), pp. 91-111.






    Diaries


    Before turning to the discussion of Vladimir Gelfand’s diary, we must consider the

    question of the authenticity of this particular historical source. To what extent can the

    historian trust diaries that were written under a totalitarian regime when a personal

    account could easily turn self-incriminating? Can they be valued as a legitimate

    historical source? What is the reliability of our particular historical source?

    The 1990s marked the beginning of an influx of published private diaries and

    memoirs in the former Soviet Union. Personal accounts from various age groups –

    grandfathers, fathers, and sons, the living and the dead, ordinary people and public

    figures, devoted Stalinists and opponents – overflowed the market. Grassroots or

    “people’s” archives have opened for those who want to submit their personal texts and

    have no access to publications. 38 Irina Paperno warns young historians to take account

    of the fact that this material was subjected to editing and commentaries by

    contemporaries. It is still the case, she notes, that the intelligentsia speaks for ordinary

    people, and thus it is problematic to differentiate between the two voices and the two

    spheres of time: past and present. She points out, however, that “there is also an effort

    to allow ‘the people’ to speak, a sense of a mission, a paradoxical desire to create access

    to the voices of the people on behalf of whom the intellectuals always spoke.”39

    A recent debate has focused on the methodological question of how to read and

    interpret these materials. One of the main protagonists is Jochen Hellbeck, who argues

    that ideology had a strong and irrevocable hold on the Soviet subject. The subject’s

    conceptualization of private and public spheres differs from the liberal one, in which

    these two notions are separate and even alternative to one another. The Soviets, he

    claims, made a distinction between inner self and outer self.40 One of the main

    consequences of politicized lives, of a historical conception of reality and the

    moralization of politics, as discussed above, was the merging of the private and public

    spheres, and the absorption of the former into the latter.41 Given the lack of other public

    discourses, the subject had no other option but to strive for a complete identification with 

    society.42 Thus, Hellbeck concludes, we should take the content of the diary as it

    is. Alexander Etkind, however, denies the positive implications of this Soviet

    subjectivity and argues that the Soviet institutions powerfully affected their subjects.

    The influence of the Gulag system, personnel departments, and psychiatric hospitals

    was just as far-reaching as that of Soviet political discourse.43 In other words, Soviet

    citizens did not simply embrace this discourse but lived in constant fear.

    In one fashion or another, whether a willful act or a mere means of survival, Soviet

    subjects did assimilate into Communist society. Doubts and criticism would have made

    their lives unbearable, and a plain belief in the Soviet regime was the way to escape

    desperation and loneliness. As one “kulak” child who was exiled for long years recalled,

    “Believing in the justice of Stalin made it easier for us to accept out punishments, and

    it took away our fear.”44 Hence, Soviet sources can be read as evidence of this kind of

    subjectivity, and in this regard are just as credible as other sources for historical

    research.



    38 Irina Paperno, “Personal Accounts of the Soviet Experience,” Kritika: Explorations in Russian and

    Eurasian History 3:4 (2002): 578-579. 

    39 Ibid., p. 581. 

    40 Hellbeck, “Fashioning the Stalinist Soul,” pp. 95-98. 

    41 Hellbeck, Revolution on My Mind: Writing a Diary under Stalin, pp. 85-98.

    42 Ibid. 

    43 Aleksandr Etkind, “Soviet Subjectivity: Torture for the Sake of Salvation?” Kritika: Explorations in

    Russian and Eurasian History 6:1 (2005): 171-186. 

    44 Figes, “Introduction.”






    The Diary


    Vladimir Gelfand’s diary was found after his death in 1983. The copy I have was given

    to me by Gelfand’s son along with scans of his handwriting. The Russian version of the

    text is a raw material; it has not yet been edited or commented on. For various reasons,

    the diary has not yet been published in Russian. However, it has been translated and

    printed in German and Swedish, and received reviews from researchers all over the

    world.

    The year I will be examining in this paper is 1943. This particular year was full of

    events for the young soldier Vladimir Gelfand. It began in the hospital back at the rear,

    continued in his reuniting with his former military unit and taking an officers’ course,

    and ended with him returning to his unit as a young officer. Of equal importance was

    his joining the party on November 26. This order of events allows me to examine his

    behavior in rapidly changing circumstances; the front and the rear, as a simple soldier

    and an officer, thus contributing to the understanding of his character.

    Having been injured in his left hand on December 28, 1942, in the battle of

    Stalingrad, Vladimir Gelfand was sent to the hospital. Since the hospital was

    overcrowded and his injury was relatively minor, he was taken to the home of a peasant

    woman along with four other soldiers. On February 2 he wrote:

     

    …After finishing Huckleberry Finn two days ago, I devoted my time today to

    reading the history of the party and the sessions of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR

    A great deal of the material was already known to me, some was new. I intend to

    expand my political horizons.

     

    The choice to read about the history of the party and sessions of the Supreme Soviet

    reflects Gelfand’s willpower and determination to become part of society. After

    describing, in the same entry, conditions of near starvation which included “800 grams

    of bread twice a day and half a bowl of liquid called soup” along with severe pain due

    to his injury and insufficient treatment – “my wound won’t heal; on the contrary it hurts

    even more. My bandage hasn’t been replaced since January 28. There is no treatment.

    My wart and frozen fingers hurt terribly” – he nonetheless chose to read this material,

    instead of seeking food and medical assistance or writing letters to his relatives. Gelfand

    preferred his political and ideological development over physical necessities, thus

    15demonstrating his devotion to the political struggle and his willpower to fully become

    a member of Soviet society. It was much more important for him to invest in his

    political education than to attend to his immediate needs. Hence, exemplifying

    Gelfand’s historical perspective, the future became his point of reference; he saw the

    hardships of today as the achievements of tomorrow.

    The short autobiography Gelfand wrote on November 5 reflects his need to be useful

    in the building of a bright Communist future, and his great devotion to the public cause.

    He chose to summarize his life from a political perspective, emphasizing his active role

    in every organization he had been part of since he graduated from school: the Workers’

    University (Rabfak), the Young Communist League (Komsomol), the auxiliary forces

    he had joined before enlisting, and different army units. Furthermore, he mentions his

    parents’ political achievements, his mother’s participation in the civil war and the party,

    and his father’s status in the factory. This kind of political reading of one’s life was a

    main characteristic of the Soviet subject. All daily life and life’s political aspects were

    highly appreciated as proof of one’s social utility. Moreover, his family’s Communist

    heritage along with his acceptance into the party gave him a legitimate and prestigious

    role in Soviet society.

    The need to be part of society is also evident in this entry from April 1:

     

    …you won’t hear the residents of Zenograd referring to the fighting soldiers as the

    “Russians,” as you would hear in other cities such as Kotel’nik and Mechetk;

    rather, they were called “our soldiers” against the Germans. To them there was no

    difference between Russians and the rest of the people, the public and the army.

     

    It is also apparent in the children’s story Gelfand wrote in his diary after being accepted

    into the party on November 27. The tale is about a battle between two symbolic animals:

    the elephant representing Stalin and the wolf representing Hitler. After finding a

    magical book written in an unfamiliar language, the protagonist of the tale turns to his

    comrades for help with translation:

     

    …you could find in our unit many different nationalities: Russians, Ukrainians,

    Georgians, Armenians, Azerbaijanis, Jews, Kazakhs, Turkmen, Greeks, and even

    one Turk. Yes indeed! Don’t make fun of it – imagine representatives from all the

    Soviet Union’s nationalities fighting together till death on the fronts of the great

    war against fascism.

     

    16Both passage deal with the concept of “the friendship of the people.” This ethic was

    propagated in the first years of the war as a means to unite various Soviet nationalities

    in their fight against the German invader. Traditional Soviet slogans revolving around

    socialism and the personality cult were deemphasized and replaced with a repertoire

    that underlined pride, revenge, and the desire to protect family, friends, and the

    motherland.45 Patriotism did not undermine the Soviet subject’s goal of becoming a full

    member of society; on the contrary, it gave him another way of expressing the same

    desire. Gelfand’s passages reflect his desire to be part of the full-scale war effort and to

    fight the war along with other equal members of Soviet society.

    The sense of unity and belonging is often apparent among soldiers and veterans. In

    one of his interviews, New York Times reporter Hedrick Smith asked a prominent

    scientist and a veteran, Ben Levich, what was the best period in Russian history. To his

    surprise, Levich replied that it was unquestionably the war period. “Because at that time

    we all felt closer to our government than at any other time in our lives. It was not their

    country then, but our country. It was not they who wanted this or that to be done, but

    we who wanted to do it. It was not their war, but our war. It was our country we were

    defending, our war effort.” Furthermore, Levich noted that the war was the only time

    when he was not afraid of the authorities. The thought of a chekist knocking on his door

    in the middle of the night did not frighten him; Levich knew that the government and

    he were united in the war against Germany.46

    This sense of belonging and solidarity, whether real or imagined, gave Gelfand an

    opportunity to fulfill his need and become useful, and by no means superfluous, to the

    future of Soviet society. Soviet patriotism depended to a great extent on concepts

    propagated a decade earlier by the state. “The war had meant death and destruction but

    it had also demonstrated indestructible unity and invincible power,” said Levich during

    his interview; 47 it was, then, a dream come true for the Soviet subject. Likewise, Yosif Kvasha from 

    Medzhibozh, Ukraine, testified that the war years were the purest of his

    life, signifying the moralization of Soviet society and its idea of unity. 48

    One should read Gelfand’s accounts of his national affiliation in light of his Soviet

    conscience. As I will demonstrate, this Soviet logic guided him and very much

    influenced the way he understood the Holocaust. On March 13, Gelfand arrived at the

    Dvoinoi railway station near Rostov-on-Don and witnessed the effects of Nazi

    occupation. He devoted a long passage in his diary to his personal observations,

    mentioning not only the murder of the Jews but also the extent of local collaboration:

     

    The local population sympathized with the Germans. And when the latter occupied

    their territory, they started to hand in Jews, communists and one another to the

    enemy…

     

    Passing by on the train he took from Dvoinio, he witnessed the ruins of his country:

     

    I was terribly saddened at the sight of the ruins and filled with fury at Hitler’s

    disgusting beasts. They are the ones who are responsible for the troubles and

    suffering of our people.

    On the home front and on the battlefield, I will fight for my homeland, for my

    government, who granted me equal rights as a Jew. I will never act like those

    Ukrainians who betrayed their homeland and are now on the side of our enemies,

    cleaning their boots, kissing their asses, while they [the Germans] treat them like

    dogs.

     

    Regardless of the fact that Gelfand knew the Germans were murdering Jews in larger

    numbers than the rest of the population, he chose to demonstrate his loyalty to his

    country and government, which gave him equal rights as a Jew. Hence, his Jewish

    affiliation was very much dependent on his Soviet identity; he swears to fight for the

    protection of his country and government, and never to betray them like those

    Ukrainians. Gelfand is fervently loyal to the system. In another case, while conversing

    with a hostess of the apartment he was staying at, he confessed that he would rather die 

    than betray his country and government, his people.49 Gelfand sees himself first and

    foremost as a Soviet protecting the Soviet people and his homeland.

    By the same token, when Gelfand crossed the countryside on September 7 to get to

    the front, he witnessed the ruins of the Russian and Ukrainian villages and the clutter

    the German army had left. In the village of Chutka he found Nazi anti-Semitic

    propaganda. He chose to keep the leaflets so as to use them in the future against the

    Nazis, and reflected on the nature of collaborators:

     

    Those who believe the enemy are the nonbelievers and the traitors. I am going to

    prove to the Nazi scums who the Soviet Jews are, how they love their homeland,

    how they hate the fascists and are prepared to sacrifice anything for the sake of

    victory. I will keep these leaflets for the sake of attaching them to my future

    prisoner’s Nazi forehead.

     

    Gelfand’s passage is remarkable because it demonstrates the degree to which the Soviet

    subject had absorbed Soviet principles. Carrying Nazi propaganda was considered a

    sign of treason, since it could, in the event of captivity, implicate the soldier as a

    collaborator. Notwithstanding the prohibition, Gelfand showed no hesitation in taking

    the leaflets; on the contrary, he was sure of his actions. This situation raises a question:

    what notion allowed Gelfand, a passionate believer in the Soviet system, to act as he

    did? The answer lies in the question itself. Soviet subjects were required to believe in

    the system; as noted earlier, without demonstrating belief one could not be accepted

    into Soviet society. Hence, Gelfand’s action can be seen as a simple demonstration of

    this principle. It seems that he regarded himself as a true Soviet man, and a full member

    of society, and could not imagine the possibility of being regarded as a traitor. This

    naiveté, or what Orlando Figs calls “revolutionary conservatism,”50 provides an

    explanation for Gelfand’s behavior. The same could explain the similar behavior of

    writing a diary in wartime. Keeping diaries on the front was forbidden by the

    authorities, since it was outside the framework of official censorship. 51 

    Yet, as we have seen, not only did Gelfand keep a detailed diary, but even wrote in 

    front of his comrades.


    The only time Gelfand attended to his Jewish affiliation was when he felt he was

    being discriminated against by his own people for being a Jew. Before his promotion

    to an officer rank, he describes numerous anti-Semitic incidents both with the peasants

    and in his own unit. In fact, it was only at these moments that he tried to get closer to

    his fellow Jewish soldiers. Specifically at these times, Gelfand’s Jewishness took the

    form of a defensive nationalism, a temporary reaction to anti-Semitism. After realizing

    his commander was an anti-Semite, Gelfand sought a partner in misfortune:

     

    There’s one Jewish soldier here. Even though there are some things I don’t really

    like about him, like the way he moves his hands excessively when he talks or

    touches the buttons on people’s clothes when he speaks to them, I’m close to him

    and we’re buddies because he’s an outcast like me. Both of us aren’t liked around

    here. And although I have the manners of a cultured person, my face looks more

    Georgian or Armenian than Jewish. My surname gives away my origin.53

     

    When he finally received his rank, Gelfand almost ceased to mention the attacks against

    him and his satisfaction with his unit grew.

    That change is noteworthy because one would expect the opposite. The process of

    reconquering the western territories was also the process of revealing the scale of

    atrocities committed against the Jews. One would expect Gelfand to take note of this,

    since the annihilation of Jews was a particular crime which accounted for over ten

    percent of the estimated twenty-six million Soviet civilian victims of the war (though

    the Jews were only 2.5 percent of the total population at the beginning of the war).54

    Nevertheless, Gelfand did not become more Jewish after his encounter with the

    Holocaust but rather seemed to notice his Jewish affiliation less. Experience of battle

    and the front could only sporadically help obscure national differences, and Gelfand

    was assaulted from time to time for being a Jew. Gelfand’s general lack of interest in

    his Jewish nationality and the Holocaust could be explained by the strong hold exerted

    on the individual by Soviet concepts like internationalism, mass enlistment for socialist 

    causes, and the private sphere as an extension of the public sphere. It was when he was

    accepted into the party and became an officer that he felt like he truly belonged in Soviet

    society




    45 David Brandenberger, “It Is Imperative to Advance Russian Nationalism as the First Priority: Debates

    within the Stalinist Ideological Establishment, 1941-1945,” in A State of Nations: Empire and Nationmaking

    in the Age of Lenin and Stalin, ed. Ronald Grigor Suny and Terry Martin (New York: Cornell

    University Press, 2001), p. 277.

    46 Hedrick Smith, The Russians (New York: Ballantine Books, 1976), pp. 302-303.

    47 Ibid.

    48 Zvi Y. Gitelman, “Internationalism, Patriotism, and Disillusion: Soviet Jewish Veterans Remember

    World War II and the Holocaust,” Holocaust in the Soviet Union, occasional paper, U.S. Holocaust

    Memorial Museum, Washington, DC, November 2005, p. 111.

    49 March 23, 1943.

    50 Figes, The Whisperers, p. 27.

    51 Arkadi Zeltser, “How Were Jewish Letters Written by Jews during the War?,” unpublished paper

    presented at the “International Workshop: The Holocaust and the War in the USSR as Reflected in

    Wartime Letters and Diaries,” Yad Vashem Holocaust Museum, Jerusalem, November 20, 2012, p. 1.

    52 Evidence for this is found in the entry from May 20.

    53 The entry from April 13.

    54 Gitelman, p. 99.






    Summary


    This project examined the presumption of the reemergence of Jewish identity as a result

    of the Soviet advance westward in World War II and the encounter of Jews with the

    Holocaust. “It is no wonder that a Communist of 1933 should have come out of the

    camps more Communistic than he went in, a Jew more Jewish,” wrote Hannah Arendt

    in Partisan Review.55

    The question posed by this paper, therefore, was a paraphrase of

    Arendt’s statement. What effect did the annihilation of Jews in the territories of the

    Soviet Union have on Jewish soldiers in the Red Army? Did the Jewish soldier become

    more Jewish as he advanced westward and discovered the scale of the killing?

    The first chapter dealt with the meaning of being Soviet. Soviet society underwent

    processes of historicization, politicization, and moralization. The individual came to

    understand time in deterministic terms; he wanted to participate in the construction of

    the future socialist society. All that was private became political, and what used to be

    “I” became “We.” The desire for inclusion in this revolutionary society and the fear of

    expulsion appear to have been fundamental to the Soviet subject.

    The second chapter addressed the topic of national identity among Soviet Jews

    before the war. Notwithstanding Communist ideology that regarded nationalism as a

    reactionary and capitalist factor, pragmatic considerations of gaining the support of

    national minorities brought the regime to adopt a policy of indigenization

    (korenizaziya) that was national in form and Communist in content. Coincident with

    the persecution of Zionism and Judaism, the traditional forms of Jewish identity, the

    1920s government promoted Jewish Yiddish proletarian culture by means of various

    institutions. The 1930s saw the rise of Russian nationalism and the re-Russification of

    Soviet society. Consequently, on the eve of World War II, a large segment of the Jewish

    population was acculturated into Russian society, thus experiencing alienation from its

    Jewishness. Soviet Jews knew that they were Jewish, but it simply did not matter much

    to them.

    Gelfand’s diary reveals the impact that two decades of Sovietization had on the

    individual. As mentioned, he thought of himself in Soviet concepts, and portrayed his 

    life in terms of social utility and socialist advancement. Moreover, Gelfand failed to

    take account of the pragmatism of the Soviet leadership and seemed to embrace Soviet

    concepts fervidly without realizing the consequences of breaking the law. As for his

    Jewish identity, it did not matter very much to him as he felt himself a full member of

    society. Furthermore, as Gelfand advanced westward with his unit and discovered the

    scale of Jewish tragedy, he almost stopped mentioning his Jewish identity for the sake

    of accomplishing more in Soviet society: joining the party and receiving an officer rank.

    It was only when he felt discriminated against by those he considered to be his own

    people that he turned to his Jewish affiliation. Gelfand believed in the Soviet system

    and fought for his homeland, like every other soldier.

    In a wider perspective, the case of Gelfand may indicate that the crystallization of

    national identity of minorities in wartime is very much contingent on the treatment they

    receive within the society they live in, rather than on external influences. In other words,

    internal treatment – the degree of inclusion in society and equality of opportunity – has

    greater effect on the individual than external circumstances of injustice.



    55 Hannah Arendt, “The Concentration Camps,” Partisan Review 15 (1948): 743-776.






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    ב

     

     

     

     

     




    © Published by the European Forum at the Hebrew University
    Jerusalem 91905, Israel
    f@savion.huji.ac.il
    www.ef.huji.ac.il


     

     
     












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  •     Books Llc "Person im Zweiten Weltkrieg /Sowjetunion/ Georgi Konstantinowitsch Schukow, Wladimir Gelfand, Pawel Alexejewitsch Rotmistrow"
  •     Das Buch von Jan Musekamp: "Zwischen Stettin und Szczecin - Metamorphosen einer Stadt von 1945 bis 2005"
  •     Encyclopedia of safety "Ladies liberated Europe in the eyes of Russian soldiers and officers (1944-1945 gg.)"
  •     Азовские греки "Павел Тасиц"
  •     Newsland "СМЯТЕНИЕ ГРОЗНОЙ ОСЕНИ 1941 ГОДА"
  •     Вестник РГГУ "Болезненная тема второй мировой войны: сексуальное насилие по обе стороны фронта"
  •     Das Buch von Jürgen W. Schmidt: "Als die Heimat zur Fremde wurde"
  •     ЛЕХАИМ "Евреи на войне: от советского к еврейскому?"
  •     Gedenkstätte/ Museum Seelower Höhen "Die Schlacht"
  •     The book of Frederick Taylor "Exorcising Hitler: The Occupation and Denazification of Germany"
  •     Огонёк "10 дневников одной войны"
  •     The book of Michael Jones "Total War: From Stalingrad to Berlin"
  •     Das Buch von Frederick Taylor "Zwischen Krieg und Frieden: Die Besetzung und Entnazifizierung Deutschlands 1944-1946"
  •     WordPress.com "Wie sind wir Westler alt und überklug - und sind jetzt doch Schmutz unter ihren Stiefeln"
  •     Олег Будницкий: "Архив еврейской истории" Том 6. "Дневники"
  •     Åke Sandin "Är krigets våldtäkter en myt?"
  •     Michael Jones: "El trasfondo humano de la guerra: con el ejército soviético de Stalingrado a Berlín"
  •     Das Buch von Jörg Baberowski: "Verbrannte Erde: Stalins Herrschaft der Gewalt"
  •     Zeitschrift fur Geschichtswissenschaft "Gewalt im Militar. Die Rote Armee im Zweiten Weltkrieg"
  •     Ersatz-[E-bok] "Tysk dagbok 1945-46"
  •     The book of Michael David-Fox, Peter Holquist, Alexander M. Martin: "Fascination and Enmity: Russia and Germany as Entangled Histories, 1914-1945"
  •     Елена Сенявская "Женщины освобождённой Европы глазами советских солдат и офицеров (1944-1945 гг.)"
  •     The book of Raphaelle Branche, Fabrice Virgili: "Rape in Wartime (Genders and Sexualities in History)"
  •     БезФорматаРу "Хоть бы скорей газетку прочесть"
  •     ВЕСТНИК "Проблемы реадаптации студентов-фронтовиков к учебному процессу после Великой Отечественной войны"
  •     Все лечится "10 миллионов изнасилованных немок"
  •     Симха "Еврейский Марк Твен. Так называли Шолома Рабиновича, известного как Шолом-Алейхем"
  •     Annales: Nathalie Moine "La perte, le don, le butin. Civilisation stalinienne, aide étrangère et biens trophées dans l’Union soviétique des années 1940"
  •     Das Buch von Beata Halicka "Polens Wilder Westen. Erzwungene Migration und die kulturelle Aneignung des Oderraums 1945 - 1948"
  •     Das Buch von Jan M. Piskorski "Die Verjagten: Flucht und Vertreibung im Europa des 20. Jahrhundert"
  •     "آسو  "دشمن هرگز در نمی‌زن
  •     Уроки истории. ХХ век. Гефтер. "Антисемитизм в СССР во время Второй мировой войны в контексте холокоста"
  •     Ella Janatovsky "The Crystallization of National Identity in Times of War: The Experience of a Soviet Jewish Soldier"
  •     Всеукраинский еженедельник Украина-Центр "Рукописи не горят"
  •     Bücher / CD-s / E-Book von Niclas Sennerteg "Nionde arméns undergång: Kampen om Berlin 1945"
  •     Das Buch von Michaela Kipp: "Großreinemachen im Osten: Feindbilder in deutschen Feldpostbriefen im Zweiten Weltkrieg"
  •     Петербургская газета "Женщины на службе в Третьем Рейхе"
  •     Володимир Поліщук "Зроблено в Єлисаветграді"
  •     Deutsch-Russisches Museum Berlin-Karlshorst. Katalog zur Dauerausstellung / Каталог постоянной экспозиции
  •     Clarissa Schnabel "The life and times of Marta Dietschy-Hillers"
  •     Еврейский музей и центр толерантности. Группа по работе с архивными документами 
  •     Эхо Москвы "ЦЕНА ПОБЕДЫ: Военный дневник лейтенанта Владимира Гельфанда"
  •     Bok / eBok: Anders Bergman & Emelie Perland "365 dagar: Utdrag ur kända och okända dagböcker"
  •     РИА Новости "Освободители Германии"
  •     Das Buch von Jan M. Piskorski  "Die Verjagten: Flucht und Vertreibung im Europa des 20. Jahrhundert"
  •     Das Buch von Miriam Gebhardt "Als die Soldaten kamen: Die Vergewaltigung deutscher Frauen am Ende des Zweiten Weltkriegs"
  •     Petra Tabarelli "Vladimir Gelfand"
  •     Das Buch von Martin Stein "Die sowjetische Kriegspropaganda 1941 - 1945 in Ego-Dokumenten"
  •     The German Quarterly "Philomela’s Legacy: Rape, the Second World War, and the Ethics of Reading"
  •     MAZ LOKAL "Archäologische Spuren der Roten Armee in Brandenburg"
  •     Deutsches Historisches Museum "1945 – Niederlage. Befreiung. Neuanfang. Zwölf Länder Europas nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg"
  •     День за днем "Дневник лейтенанта Гельфанда"
  •     BBC News "The rape of Berlin" / BBC Mundo / BBC O`zbek  / BBC Brasil / BBC فارْسِى "تجاوز در برلین"
  •     Echo24.cz "Z deníku rudoarmějce: Probodneme je skrz genitálie"
  •     The Telegraph "The truth behind The Rape of Berlin"
  •     BBC World Service "The Rape of Berlin"
  •     ParlamentniListy.cz "Mrzačení, znásilňování, to všechno jsme dělali. Český server připomíná drsné paměti sovětského vojáka"
  •     WordPress.com "Termina a Batalha de Berlim"
  •     Dnevnik.hr "Podignula je suknju i kazala mi: 'Spavaj sa mnom. Čini što želiš! Ali samo ti"                  
  •     ilPOST "Gli stupri in Germania, 70 anni fa"
  •     上 海东方报业有限公司 70年前苏军强奸了十万柏林妇女?很多人仍在寻找真相
  •     연합뉴스 "BBC: 러시아군, 2차대전때 독일에서 대규모 강간"
  •     Telegraf "SPOMENIK RUSKOM SILOVATELJU: Nemci bi da preimenuju istorijsko zdanje u Berlinu?"
  •    Múlt-kor "A berlini asszonyok küzdelme a szovjet erőszaktevők ellen"
  •     Noticiasbit.com "El drama oculto de las violaciones masivas durante la caída de Berlín"
  •     Museumsportal Berlin "Landsberger Allee 563, 21. April 1945"
  •     Caldeirão Político "70 anos após fim da guerra, estupro coletivo de alemãs ainda é episódio pouco conhecido"
  •     Nuestras Charlas Nocturnas "70 aniversario del fin de la II Guerra Mundial: del horror nazi al terror rojo en Alemania"
  •     W Radio "El drama oculto de las violaciones masivas durante la caída de Berlín"
  •     La Tercera "BBC: El drama oculto de las violaciones masivas durante la caída de Berlín"
  •     Noticias de Paraguay "El drama de las alemanas violadas por tropas soviéticas hacia el final de la Segunda Guerra Mundial"
  •     Cnn Hit New "The drama hidden mass rape during the fall of Berlin"
  •     Dân Luận "Trần Lê - Hồng quân, nỗi kinh hoàng của phụ nữ Berlin 1945"
  •     Český rozhlas "Temná stránka sovětského vítězství: znásilňování Němek"
  •     Historia "Cerita Kelam Perempuan Jerman Setelah Nazi Kalah Perang"
  •     G'Le Monde "Nỗi kinh hoàng của phụ nữ Berlin năm 1945 mang tên Hồng Quân"
  •     Эхо Москвы "Дилетанты. Красная армия в Европе"
  •     Der Freitag "Eine Schnappschussidee"
  •     باز آفريني واقعيت ها  "تجاوز در برلین"
  •     Quadriculado "O Fim da Guerra e o início do Pesadelo. Duas narrativas sobre o inferno"    
  •     Majano Gossip "PER NON DIMENTICARE…….. LE PORCHERIE COMUNISTE !!!!!"
  •     Русская Германия "Я прижал бедную маму к своему сердцу и долго утешал"
  •     Das Buch von Nicholas Stargardt "Der deutsche Krieg: 1939 - 1945"
  •     The book of Nicholas Stargardt "The German War: A Nation Under Arms, 1939–45"
  •     Das Buch "Владимир Гельфанд. Дневник 1941 - 1946"
  •     BBC Русская служба "Изнасилование Берлина: неизвестная история войны" / BBC Україна "Зґвалтування Берліна: невідома історія війни"
  •     Гефтер. "Олег Будницкий: «Дневник, приятель дорогой!» Военный дневник Владимира Гельфанда"
  •     Гефтер "Владимир Гельфанд. Дневник 1942 года"
  •     BBC Tiếng Việt "Lính Liên Xô 'hãm hiếp phụ nữ Đức'"
  •     Эхо Москвы "ЦЕНА ПОБЕДЫ: Дневники лейтенанта Гельфанда"
  •     Renato Furtado "Soviéticos estupraram 2 milhões de mulheres alemãs, durante a Guerra Mundial"
  •     Вера Дубина "«Обыкновенная история» Второй мировой войны: дискурсы сексуального насилия над женщинами оккупированных территорий"
  •     Еврейский музей и центр толерантности "Презентация книги Владимира Гельфанда «Дневник 1941-1946»"
  •     Еврейский музей и центр толерантности "Евреи в Великой Отечественной войне"
  •     Сидякин & Би-Би-Си. Драма в трех действиях. "Атака"
  •     Сидякин & Би-Би-Си. Драма в трех действиях. "Бой"
  •     
  •     Сидякин & Би-Би-Си. Драма в трех действиях. "Победа"
  •     Сидякин & Би-Би-Си. Драма в трех действиях. Эпилог
  •     Труд "Покорность и отвага: кто кого?"
  •     Издательский Дом «Новый Взгляд» "Выставка подвига"
  •     Katalog NT "Выставка "Евреи в Великой Отечественной войне " - собрание уникальных документов"
  •     Вести "Выставка "Евреи в Великой Отечественной войне" - собрание уникальных документов"
  •     Радио Свобода "Бесценный графоман"
  •     Вечерняя Москва "Еще раз о войне"
  •     РИА Новости "Выставка про евреев во время ВОВ открывается в Еврейском музее"
  •     Телеканал «Культура» "Евреи в Великой Отечественной войне" проходит в Москве"
  •     Россия HD "Вести в 20.00"
  •     GORSKIE "В Москве открылась выставка "Евреи в Великой Отечественной войне"
  •     Aгентство еврейских новостей "Евреи – герои войны"
  •     STMEGI TV "Открытие выставки "Евреи в Великой Отечественной войне"
  •     Национальный исследовательский университет Высшая школа экономики "Открытие выставки "Евреи в Великой Отечественной войне"
  •     Независимая газета "Война Абрама"
  •     Revista de Historia "El lado oscuro de la victoria aliada en la Segunda Guerra Mundial"
  •     Лехаим "Война Абрама"
  •     Libertad USA "El drama de las alemanas: violadas por tropas soviéticas en 1945 y violadas por inmigrantes musulmanes en 2016"
  •     НГ Ex Libris "Пять книг недели"
  •     Брестский Курьер "Фамильное древо Бреста. На перекрестках тех дорог…"
  •     Полит.Ру "ProScience: Олег Будницкий о народной истории войны"
  •     Олена Проскура "Запiзнiла сповiдь"
  •     Полит.Ру "ProScience: Возможна ли научная история Великой Отечественной войны?"
  •     Das Buch "Владимир Гельфанд. Дневник 1941 - 1946"
  •     Ahlul Bait Nabi Saw "Kisah Kelam Perempuan Jerman Setelah Nazi Kalah Perang"
  •     北京北晚新视觉传媒有限公司 "70年前苏军强奸了十万柏林妇女?"
  •     Преподавание истории в школе "«О том, что происходило…» Дневник Владимира Гельфанда"
  •     Вестник НГПУ "О «НЕУБЕДИТЕЛЬНЕЙШЕЙ» ИЗ ПОМЕТ: (Высокая лексика в толковых словарях русского языка XX-XXI вв.)"
  •     Archäologisches Landesmuseum Brandenburg "Zwischen Krieg und Frieden" / "Между войной и миром"
  •     Российская газета "Там, где кончается война"
  •     Народный Корреспондент "Женщины освобождённой Европы глазами советских солдат: правда про "2 миллиона изнасилованых немок"
  •     Fiona "Военные изнасилования — преступления против жизни и личности"
  •     军情观察室 "苏军攻克柏林后暴行妇女遭殃,战争中的强奸现象为什么频发?"
  •     Независимая газета "Дневник минометчика"
  •     Независимая газета "ИСПОДЛОБЬЯ: Кризис концепции"
  •     Olhar Atual "A Esquerda a história e o estupro"
  •     The book of Stefan-Ludwig Hoffmann, Sandrine Kott, Peter Romijn, Olivier Wieviorka "Seeking Peace in the Wake of War: Europe, 1943-1947"
  •     Steemit "Berlin Rape: The Hidden History of War"
  •     Estudo Prático "Crimes de estupro na Segunda Guerra Mundial e dentro do exército americano"
  •     Громадське радіо "Насильство над жінками під час бойових дій — табу для України"
  •     InfoRadio RBB "Geschichte in den Wäldern Brandenburgs"
  •     "شگفتی های تاریخ است "پشت پرده تجاوز به زنان برلینی در پایان جنگ جهانی دوم
  •     Hans-Jürgen Beier gewidmet "Lehren – Sammeln – Publizieren"
  •     Русский вестник "Искажение истории: «Изнасилованная Германия»"
  •     凯迪 "推荐《柏林女人》与《五月四日》影片"
  •     Vix "Estupro de guerra: o que acontece com mulheres em zonas de conflito, como Aleppo?"
  •    企业头条 "柏林战役后的女人"
  •     腾讯公司  "二战时期欧洲, 战胜国对战败国的十万妇女是怎么处理的!"
  •     El Nuevo Accion "QUE LE PREGUNTEN A LAS ALEMANAS VIOLADAS POR RUSOS, NORTEAMERICANOS, INGLESES Y FRANCESES"
  •     Periodismo Libre "QUE LE PREGUNTEN A LAS ALEMANAS VIOLADAS POR RUSOS, NORTEAMERICANOS, INGLESES Y FRANCESES"
  •     DE Y.OBIDIN "Какими видели европейских женщин советские солдаты и офицеры (1944-1945 годы)?"
  •     歷史錄 "近1萬女性被強姦致死,女孩撩開裙子說:不下20個男人戳我這兒"
  •     NewConcepts Society "Можно ли ставить знак равенства между зверствами гитлеровцев и зверствами советских солдат?"
  •     搜狐 "二战时期欧洲,战胜国对战败国的妇女是怎么处理的"
  •     Эхо Москвы "Дилетанты. Начало войны. Личные источники"
  •     Журнал "Огонёк" "Эго прошедшей войны"
  •     Уроки истории. XX век "Книжный дайджест «Уроков истории»: советский антисемитизм"
  •     Свободная Пресса "Кто кого насиловал в Германии"
  •